Law experts and Māori leaders claim David Seymour’s Regulatory Standards Bill has breached the Treaty.
Law experts and Māori leaders claim David Seymour’s Regulatory Standards Bill has breached the Treaty.

PoliticsMay 15, 2025

Waitangi Tribunal hears evidence against another ‘dangerous’ principles-based bill

Law experts and Māori leaders claim David Seymour’s Regulatory Standards Bill has breached the Treaty.
Law experts and Māori leaders claim David Seymour’s Regulatory Standards Bill has breached the Treaty.

An urgent hearing into the Regulatory Standards Bill saw lawyers representing more than 18,000 interested parties argue against the legislation that some fear is as ‘dangerous’ as the Treaty principles bill.

A soon-to-be-introduced piece of legislation has been likened to “constitutional warfare”, with the potential to be as “dangerous” to Māori-Crown relations as the Treaty principles bill. More than 18,000 New Zealanders signalled their opposition to the Regulatory Standards Bill (RSB) by registering their support for a claim to the Waitangi Tribunal led by Toitū te Tiriti, which was heard on Wednesday, a week after the bill’s architect David Seymour announced it would be taken to cabinet to be approved for introduction to parliament by Monday, May 19.

Originally scheduled for June 6, the Wai 3470 claim was brought forward in an urgent hearing this week following the announcement from Seymour, the minister for regulation, that the bill would be read by cabinet sooner than expected. The tribunal loses jurisdiction to consider bills once they are introduced to parliament. After cabinet approves the bill on May 19, it will be introduced to parliament and, if passed as expected, would come into effect by January 1, 2026 – with changes expected to create a framework that would undermine the application of Treaty principles, the tribunal heard.

David Seymour wears a suit and pink tie while speaking to reporters in the hallway at parliament. he looks off screen
David Seymour talks to reporters before opening the Treaty principles bill hearings (Photo: Lyric Waiwiri-Smith)

The bill’s stated aim is “to improve the quality of regulation in New Zealand so regulatory decisions are based on principles of good lawmaking and economic efficiency”. It sets a number of regulatory principles that all regulation should comply with, with an emphasis on personal liberty and property rights.

A cabinet minute on the bill was released on Tuesday, with feedback included in the document from Te Puni Kōkiri that the current proposal “does not recognise either the rights or interests of iwi, hapu and Māori” under the Treaty, nor does it consider the importance of the Treaty – a sentiment repeated in the cabinet paper by the Ministry of Justice. The Ministry for the Environment also noted the proposals “conflict with the principles of New Zealand’s environmental and climate systems which focus on balancing short-term and longer-term interests, and collective, rather than individual, interests”.

Tamaki Legal lawyer Tania Waikato, acting as counsel for Toitū te Tiriti and multiple other claimants, appeared first before the tribunal with the message that the bill “will create one of the most fundamental constitutional shifts in our legal history by elevating the RSB principles” into a position of “constitutionally superior law” above Treaty principles.

Feedback from Te Puni Kōkiri included in the cabinet minute.

Waikato said her claimants’ core concerns with the bill came down to two “prongs”: the first being that her claimants “are prejudiced, and likely to be prejudiced” by the bill, as it “will alter the constitutional arrangements between the Crown and Māori under te Tiriti by stealth, and without the consent by Māori as Treaty partner”. The second prong, Waikato said, was the “fundamentally flawed” consultation process for the bill. She said the failure to meaningfully engage with Māori was “defective, deceptive and inconsistent with te Tiriti and the principles of te Tiriti.

“These breaches are so deeply entrenched into the fabric of the RSB, that they cannot be remedied by simply inserting a Treaty principle into the RSB,” Waikato told the tribunal. “The entire framework as a concept … must be rejected in its entirety.”

Waikato read evidence from senior law lecturer Carwyn Jones, who wrote that the Crown’s actions in drafting this bill had breached the Treaty in a matter that was “as serious and as dangerous as [the Treaty principles bill”. That bill, alongside the draft proposals being considered by the tribunal, represented a “combined legislative pincer movement” with the proposed legislation seeking to finish “what the Treaty principles bill started”, Jones said.

Lawyer Tania Waikato speaks in a livestream for the tribunal's regulatory standards bill urgent hearing.
Tamaki Legal’s Tania Waikato

Otago law professor Andrew Geddis also submitted evidence read by Waikato. Geddis highlighted the bill’s first principle of the rule of law, that “every person is equal before the law”, arguing that “may cause it to be applied in order to remove legislative clauses that provide different provisions for Māori, particularly Treaty provisions”. Geddis noted that there were “often good reasons where differential treatment under the law not only is justifiable but actually morally required”, as noted by the Human Rights Commission.

Evidence from Hinemoa Elder specifically pointed to the Mental Health Act, and concerns that the passing of this bill would remove Māori mental health provisions under the RSB’s equality principle. Filmmaker Chelsea Winstanley also submitted written evidence outlining her concerns that this principle would affect funding for te reo Māori and Māori-specific films.

Speaking on behalf of Māori health leader Lady Tureiti Moxon, lawyer Roimata Smail argued the bill would entrench a “health system that is institutionally racist”. Lawyer Tom Bennion, representing Te Roopu Waiora Trust, told the tribunal that Seymour was “hostile to all differential treatment for Māori”. The minister’s law would have the potential to “wipe hundreds of millions of dollars off the value of historic settlements” if the law in practice failed to acknowledge disparities for Māori, Bennion said.

Whāia Legal’s Jamie Ferguson told the tribunal that while the bill was concerned with equal rights, there was no provision to ensure the act would not adversely affect the rights and interests of iwi and hapū. Asked by tribunal member David Williams about his experience in representing Māori legal issues, Ferguson said he had witnessed a change from “good faith” engagement with Māori to simple “box ticking”.

Whaia Legal's Jamies Ferguson presents over livestream for the Waitangi Tribunal
Whaia Legal’s Jamies Ferguson presenting to the Waitangi Tribunal

“I personally have a malaise and melancholy about it all,” Ferguson said. “It’s a tragedy. There’s no other word for it.”

Crown lawyer Jason Varuhas said arguments the tribunal had so far heard “often proceeded off an unsustainable degree of certainty as to the adverse affects” of the bill. While it was correct that the Crown had not relied on expert evidence, it did not accept the opinions relied on by claimants as “it is in the nature of opinion evidence, not primary fact”, Varuhas said. 

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Concerns of Treaty breaches do not amount to an actual breach, Varuhas noted. He quoted former prime minister Geoffrey Palmer’s description of Aotearoa as the “fastest law-maker in the west” – New Zealand has unique legislative powers which allow parliament to pass laws more quickly than other developed countries, and the government has the authority to use these processes.

On concerns of prejudice against Māori, Varuhas said the bill “cannot be analogised” as having as much power as the Bill of Rights Act, a constitutional statute. “The Crown’s position is the Regulatory Standards Bill does not invariably, or likely lead, to breach of the Treaty,” Varuhas said, “or likely or invariably lead to prejudicial outcomes for Māori.”

Crown lawyers Daniel Kleinsman (left) and Jason Varuhas (right)

Williams asked Varuhas whether the Crown had acted in good faith by bringing the bill to cabinet ahead of the hearing’s original June 6 date, to which Varuhas replied the Crown had acted as directed, but acknowledged that the tribunal and claimants’ need to “mobilise in such haste has not been ideal”.

“That’s good faith?” Williams asked. “We would say, for the reasons that we’ve given, that the Crown has acted in good faith,” Varuhas said.

Lawyer Darrell Naden of Tamaki Legal responded to the Crown’s comments at the end of the hearing, dismissing the claim that the RSB “would not confer or impose on any legal rights or duties, or affect the validity of legislation”. Naden highlighted a requirement of the RSB that all law be measured against it as evidence of its intended scope. “Why all the effort, the expense, so on and so forth, the haste to introduce this to the House, the haste to enactment … all points to how important this legislation is to the Crown.

“The claimants, despite hearing from the Crown today … continue to maintain that what is sought here is an ending of this RSB folly for the sake of a decent society, for the sake of future relations,” Naden said.

The tribunal is expected to submit its findings today.

Keep going!
Jan Tinetti and Brooke Van Velden faced off over pay equity and the c-word. Image: Joel MacManus
Jan Tinetti and Brooke Van Velden faced off over pay equity and the c-word. Image: Joel MacManus

PoliticsMay 15, 2025

Echo Chamber: A C-bomb explodes in parliament

Jan Tinetti and Brooke Van Velden faced off over pay equity and the c-word. Image: Joel MacManus
Jan Tinetti and Brooke Van Velden faced off over pay equity and the c-word. Image: Joel MacManus

A tense day in the house reached a fiery collusion when Brooke van Velden became the first MP to use the word ‘cunt’ in parliament.

You could cut the tension in the air with a knife. There was a trepidation that it was coming. That word, the one that’s been on the minds and lips of every political observer this week. The one that starts with c and rhymes with runt.

It began with a column in the Sunday Star Times by Andrea Vance, which criticised the government’s changes to pay equity legislation. Specifically, it focused on the female cabinet ministers, whom Vance charged were “all united in a historic act of economic backhanding other women”. The column was full of intentionally gendered language, most notably that four-lettered word, “c…” [as it appeared in print].

A column this forceful, by a journalist as experienced as Vance, in a national weekly, does not go unnoticed. There wasn’t a single MP who wouldn’t have read it and debated, very carefully and privately, among people they trusted, whether it was appropriate.

When parliament convened on Tuesday, there was plenty of debate about the pay equity reforms, but everyone avoided mentioning The Column. Before Wednesday’s question time even began, it was clear that wilful blindness wouldn’t last.

The order paper, published before the 2pm session, listed the day’s questions to ministers. The eighth question on the list was from Labour’s Jan Tinetti to Brooke van Velden, the minister for workplace relations and safety: “Does she agree with Andrea Vance, who said about the Equal Pay Amendment Bill, ‘It is a curious feminist moment, isn’t it? Six girlbosses – Willis, her hype-squad Judith Collins, Erica Stanford, Louise Upston, Nicola Grigg, and Brooke van Velden – all united in a historic act of economic backhanding other women’; if not, how is unilaterally stopping 33 pay equity claims not a historic act of economic backhanding other women?”

MPs whispered among themselves, waiting in nervous anticipation. Would Tinetti really go there? Would speaker Gerry Brownlee allow it? How would van Velden respond?

The first 40 minutes of question time involved all the usual nonsense. Boring patsy questions from backbench MPs (“What recent reports has she seen on the government’s fiscal position?”). Nicola Willis said the Greens were from “Planet La La Land”. Minister for Māori development Tama Potaka was away, so Judith Collins answered questions on his behalf – someone chirped “talofa”, which left Rawiri Waititi struggling to breathe. Winston Peters held up a copy of the Green Party’s alternative budget, which it had announced that morning, with a soviet flag inserted between the pages. “Join the party, I’ll send you a membership form,” Francisco Hernandez yelled.

Brownlee admonished Peters after another communism-related quip, “In the world of three strikes and you’re out, you’ve used up your three strikes.” Peters smiled warmly back at him, and Brownlee made no effort to remove the strike-less deputy prime minister from the house.

Then the moment came. Tinetti asked her question, exactly as it appeared on the paper. The brains trust of Luxon, Bishop and Peters leaned forward in anticipation. Willis shook her head and let out a big puff. She looked genuinely upset.

An excerpt from Andrea Vance’s SST column.

Brooke van Velden had had plenty of advanced warning and was eager to respond. She leapt to her feet, “Mr Speaker…” Brownlee cut her off immediately for a point of order by Shane Jones, who complained that the quote brought members of the house into disrepute. “How on Earth this question got through your process, that is something that you can address,” Jones said. Brownlee replied sardonically, “Well, thank you firstly for giving me the opportunity to review my own performance. I will undertake that with some vigour.”

Brownlee stood by Tinetti’s question. He said it was appropriate for ministers to be asked whether they agree with the opinions of others and that “the bar for discreditable references is a very high one”. This led to a long back-and-forth with Jones, Bishop and Peters arguing about specific speakers’ rulings and standing orders. Peters referenced a rule against “offensive or unparliamentary expression”, to which Swarbrick heckled, “Do you want a mirror?”

Brownlee stuck to his guns and insisted van Velden could answer the question. “It was hard to find a single sentence in Andrea Vance’s article I agree with,” van Velden began. Again, Brownlee cut her off, “That’d be enough of an answer.”  It was a highly unusual move to end a minister’s answer after just one sentence. Brownlee was trying to stop her from saying The Word.

Van Velden complained that she’d only given half of her answer, but Brownlee ordered her to sit back down. David Seymour and Kieran McAnulty formed an unlikely defence duo, arguing that she should be allowed to answer the question. Tinetti tried to push on with her next supplementary question, which set off more back-and-forth and general yelling.

Van Velden stood up again, cutting through the hubbub: “Point of order. I’m a strong woman and I can speak for myself.” Finally, after another supplementary question from Tinetti, van Velden got to say the word she had been itching to say: “I do not agree with the clearly gendered and patronising language that Andrea Vance used to reduce senior cabinet ministers to ‘girlbosses”, ‘hype-squads’, references to ‘girl math’, and ‘cunts’.” Then she turned her fire back to Tinetti, criticising the former minister for women for repeating parts of “a clearly misogynistic article” in the house.

It was, according to Hansard, the first time anyone had said the word “cunt” in parliament. Brownlee, for all his efforts to prevent her from saying it, gave the softest possible rap on the knuckles: “While the minister was giving an answer that was quoting commentary from a news article, it may have been better to refrain from one word that was fully expressed.”

‘’

Speaking to media on the tiles afterwards, van Velden said it was “inappropriate for the Labour Party to have brought misogyny into the house”. Chris Bishop returned to the house later in the afternoon to take another crack at Labour for not condemning Vance’s words. “The C-word has been thrown around a bit in the last week. I want to read out some C-words that I think apply to the Labour opposition: callous, cruel and cowardly.”

The whole ordeal was a bizarre blunder from Tinetti and Labour. The political equivalent of stepping on a rake, except you put the rake there and aimed very carefully to put your foot in exactly the right place so it would lever the handle right up into your face. The government’s changes to pay equity are a potentially winning issue for the opposition, but now they’re on the back foot.

Vance’s column has already grabbed the attention of everyone who would care enough to have a take. There was no amplification benefit in mentioning it in the house. And especially no benefit for Labour to tie itself to those words. All it’s done is allow the government to flip the narrative and claim the outraged moral high ground.

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