Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.
Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.

PoliticsJune 25, 2025

Echo Chamber: Government commits to doing not much about the Middle East

Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.
Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.

He may not be deputy PM any more, but Winston Peters still holds court during question time.

Echo Chamber is The Spinoff’s dispatch from the press gallery, recapping sessions in the House. Columns are written by politics reporter Lyric Waiwiri-Smith and Wellington editor Joel MacManus.

There are two kinds of people in the world: those who wish to fight in the war room, and the gentlemen who know they can’t. Conflict in the Middle East has reached a ceasefire, kind of, but the opposition (and, really, the whole country) this week has been eager to hear whether New Zealand will openly support or condemn the US and Israel for their recent airstrikes in Iran. The trouble is, it’s not quite clear yet if the missile-shaped cloud over parliament will pass, or whether the cowboy who knows this isn’t his first rodeo will ride the bomb to its end. Gee, if only we had one of them doomsday machines.

So, given tensions at home and overseas, Tuesday’s question time was delayed by foreign affairs minister Winston Peters making a statement on the “situation in the Middle East”. He had much to say about preferring diplomacy to “moral outrage” or “kneejerk reaction[s]” or “simplistic moral posturing” or just plain “virtue-signal[ling]”. New Zealand’s interests are in peace and a non-nuclear Iran, Peters told the House – it was a long-winded way of saying we’re not really taking a side at all.

Winston Peters gives his speech on the Middle East in the House.
No knee-jerk reactions or virtue-signalling over here, just good old-fashioned level-headedness.

Labour leader Chris Hipkins followed with a more critical take on the situation, that we should prioritise principles over economic interests and allies, though it wasn’t as overtly condemning as the speech from the Greens co-leader Marama Davidson, who implored the House to think of the freedom activists in Iran. But for some reason Peters, in his response, was more concerned over the Greens not being critical enough of “Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis” in light of October 7.  

“Really? Really, Mr Speaker?” Green co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick interrupted. “Look at my track record!”

“I know your track record, it takes five seconds to examine it,” Peters told her.

When that was all over, Te Pāti Māori’s Tākuta Ferris was first up for oral questions, asking Māori development minister Tama Potaka whether he stood by the government’s track record in upholding te Tiriti (“I look forward to a summary of the robust and strident submissions”), then why the Regulatory Standards Bill didn’’t mention the Treaty (“kōrero in Cabinet remain confidential”), and whether it would undermine the Crown’s Treaty obligations (“this government, through various coalition arrangements, is very committed to upholding Treaty settlements”).

Tākuta Ferris questions Tama Potaka in the House.
Tākuta Ferris keeps the seat warm for his party leaders, who are still suspended.

Eventually the bill’s architect David Seymour – who is currently acting prime minister while Christopher Luxon has meetings in Europe – rose to share his view. “​​Does the minister agree,” Seymour asked, “that if successive governments over the last 185 years had followed the principles in the Regulatory Standards Bill, many of the grievances Māori hold today would never have arisen?”

Potaka didn’t take the bait. “I certainly can acknowledge that there are a lot of disproportionate impacts as a result of government actions over the years,” the minister replied.

Next up was Greens co-leader Marama Davidson, who was keen to know whether the government would condemn the US’s strikes on Iran (as aforementioned, no). As Peters took his time to wax lyrical on rushing to judgment and emerging evidence and letting international courts determine breaches of international law, his NZ First deputy Shane Jones chirped away in his seat. “Fiction!” Jones cried. “Democracy!” A faint voice rose from the opposition benches: “You wouldn’t know what democracy is, Shane.”

Then it was Seymour’s turn to field questions on the cost of living from Hipkins, and the honorary prime minister found there was a perk to this new role: you can kind of just drone on and on and hope no one realises you’re just making a speech. Such was the case when Seymour told the House his school lunch programme now had a 67% approval rating – which he revealed as if it were the greatest honour on Earth – before Brownlee had to tell him to reel it in.

David Seymour speaks in the House.
A 67% approval rating is better than nothing.

Seymour, who also celebrated his 42nd birthday on Tuesday with two cakes (which may or may not be wasteful spending), was more blunt when Hipkins questioned him on whether the finance minister or IRD could find a single family that had claimed the maximum $250 a fortnight the government had promised in its FamilyBoost scheme. “The fact is, it’s not our job to go hunting for people,” Seymour replied, to roaring laughter from the opposition benches.

The whole palaver ended on a bum note. After Labour’s jobs and incomes spokesperson Ginny Andersen interrogated associate social development minister Penny Simmonds on employment figures and the cancellation of state housing projects, the back and forth summoned one of the government’s most loyal centre backs, Nicola Willis, who called on the speaker to make an example of the opposition for alleging “facts that are not factual”.

Then, when education minister Erica Stanford rose for a cosy supplementary that would’ve let Simmonds show off that the government had increased the number of classrooms built since last year, Brownlee decided he’d heard enough. “I’m absolutely sick of that. We’re calling it quits,” Brownlee declared. “We’re all over.”

Keep going!
A man in a dark blazer with slicked-back hair stands against a yellow background. Two semi-transparent, faded duplicates of him appear behind, creating a layered effect.
Image design: The Spinoff

OPINIONĀteaJune 25, 2025

Weaponising the haka: Destiny Church’s protest is cultural theft, not free speech

A man in a dark blazer with slicked-back hair stands against a yellow background. Two semi-transparent, faded duplicates of him appear behind, creating a layered effect.
Image design: The Spinoff

Brian Tamaki’s latest protest didn’t just target minority communities – it co-opted haka, taiaha and moko to do it. When Māori culture is used to push a hateful agenda, we need to call it what it is: cultural appropriation in service of extremism.

There I was, stuck in my Covid isolation room doomscrolling through social media on a Saturday afternoon. Among the plethora of comments about humanity being on the verge of another world war and excitement for the Warriors game that evening, I saw a video shared with the following caption: “Oh dear! Using Māori culture to advance an agenda of fundamentalism, terrorism, and pōrangitanga.”

I clicked on it and soon realised I had joined a livestream of approximately 500 Destiny Church members marching up Queen Street. I didn’t even know the march was happening, nor why, but what I saw only strengthened my disdain for Brian Tamaki and his church. Leading the crowd is a group of young Māori, a majority of them men, dressed in maro, with red paint on their thighs, stenciled mataora on their faces, and black rākau in their hands. Behind them, six more rows of people – dressed mostly in black Destiny Church apparel – begin to haka in unison.

At the conclusion of the fiery haka, supreme leader Brian Tamaki takes the microphone. He speaks to the crowd – which I imagine is mostly made up of bemused onlookers otherwise in the area – about the evils of the world. Several New Zealand flags fly behind him, alongside a banner that reads: “NZs Official Religion: Christianity”. 

“This is the beginning of the pushback from the Commonwealth countries and the Christian nation here in the southern hemisphere,” Tamaki begins.

He goes on to talk about how they are taking back their countries from “evil people” who are trying to take away their “homes, future and faith”. Over the next 15 minutes, there is mention of wars against religion, other gods attempting to take over, and the price of butter. Tamaki proclaims the national anthem is “an embarrassment” and says the New Zealand flag isn’t flown enough.

The whole time Tamaki is speaking, the group behind him gesticulates and posturises – they pull pūkana, wander around with their traditional Māori weapons, and let out cries. Then appear flags: Islam, Palestine, Khalistan, Sikh, Buddhist, Hindu, United Nations, World Health Organisation, World Economic Forum, Atheist, Rainbow, and Transgender. One-by-one, each flag is torn in two as Tamaki explains why they are evil. After each flag, a short haka takes place: “Upokokōhua! Kai a te kurī!” These terms are the equivalent of Māori curse words, the first referring to a boiled head and second to dog’s food. 

A man with face paint, body paint, and "IHU KARAITI" written on his chest sticks out his tongue while standing in front of a black flag with white Arabic script, with others similarly painted in the background.
The imagery is jarring, confused and full of appropriation (Image: Destiny Church/Facebook)

To conclude there are two large pieces of paper – the first has 12 different New Zealand news media outlets on it. After a comical attempt by two of Tamaki’s followers to light it on fire, the paper is torn in half. Then appears a large printout of the cover of Jacinda Ardern’s newest biography A Different Kind of Power, which is also torn in half. Young men circle the remnants, posturing with taiaha, yelling into the camera.

It was absurd. But it was also insidious. This is Destiny Church’s attempt to break the spirit of these movements and communities. The livestream ends with Tamaki continuing to speak. I don’t bother searching for another one.

The self-proclaimed apostle would be well aware the number of Destiny Church members dwindles in comparison to these groups. The tearing of flags is nothing more than a symbolic gesture, especially considering a majority of those present were already members of the church. This all would have done little to “break the spirit” of the movements and organisations Tamaki was condemning. So besides public condemnation, what’s the point?

Well, my hypothesis is that the whole spectacle was nothing more than a fearmongering exercise and attempt from Tamaki to boost dwindling membership numbers and garner support leading into next year’s general election. Mention of British anti-Islam campaigner Tommy Robinson and “the biggest protest the world has ever seen” in England this September shows Tamaki is attempting to further align himself with global extremists.

This wasn’t a haka – it was a hijacking. It was a weaponisation of Māoritanga. Destiny Church continually co-opts Māori culture – haka, moko, taiaha, pūkana – and twists it into an instrument of intimidation. The performance wasn’t about pride in whakapapa. It was about vilifying anyone who didn’t fit Brian Tamaki’s Christian nationalist worldview. This is where things get dangerous.

Tamaki often blurs the line between Christian identity and cultural identity – and not by accident. His entire aesthetic often relies on the illusion that Māoritanga and Christianity are one and the same, and that to be Māori is to support his particular brand of fundamentalism. The result? Viewers unfamiliar with tikanga may associate haka, moko and taiaha with aggression, exclusion and intolerance – rather than with cultural pride, resilience and manaakitanga.

I don’t deny that some haka are rooted in conflict, but the confusion has real-world consequences. Young people watching that livestream could be left thinking that te ao Māori is inherently anti-queer. That to be proud in their culture, they must also hate Muslims, Buddhists or Hindus. That standing strong as Māori means tearing down others. It’s not just hateful. It’s a distortion.

There’s a crucial distinction that Destiny Church refuses to make – perhaps because its entire strategy depends on erasing it. Māori identity is not a religion. Māoritanga is not Christianity. You can be Māori and Muslim. Māori and Buddhist. Māori and takatāpui. You can be Māori and Christian too, even a Māori member of Destiny Church, but don’t use our culture to desecrate the flags of other faiths while shouting offensive kupu and performing haka with hate in your heart.

You don’t get to drape yourself in maro and claim you stand for all Māori. Especially when you’re using that platform to attack the very values that underpin our culture: inclusion, whanaungatanga, aroha and manaaki. As Ngāti Pāoa’s health service E Tipu e Rea put it in a release: “Our tikanga teaches us to uplift, to manaaki, and to protect the dignity of all people… what we witnessed was a weaponisation of our culture to spread hate.”

The symbolism wasn’t lost on others either. Multiple ethnic and faith organisations have since spoken out. The Federation of Islamic Associations, the Combined Sikh Association, the NZ Buddhist Council, and dozens more condemned the protest. “This is not an exercise of free speech,” one joint statement read. “This is targeted hate.” Melissa Derby, the race relations commissioner, said plainly in a release: “Brian Tamaki’s ‘us vs them’ narratives are a reckless attack on social cohesion.”

This isn’t about silencing religion. It’s about holding extremists accountable when they misuse platforms, symbols and cultural identities to push hate.

Brian Tamaki is free to preach whatever theology he wants in his church. What he doesn’t have the right to do is appropriate Māori cultural practices – many of them sacred – and use them as props in a political campaign that seeks to vilify other New Zealanders. That is not religious freedom. That’s cultural exploitation.

He may believe he’s waging a holy war. But from where I’m sitting – watching while he parades young Māori men in maro to tear down rainbow flags – it looks more like a desperate grab for relevance. A play to reinvigorate his crumbling congregation. A last gasp to position himself at the head of a fringe “Commonwealth crusade” that has no place in a country that values dignity, tolerance and diversity.