A black and white aerial view of a river and bridge surrounded by trees, with a grid of translucent green check marks overlaying the entire image.
The Hutt River (Photo: Getty Images; additional design The Spinoff)

OPINIONPoliticsJune 26, 2025

Greater Wellington must stay the course on its freshwater quality rulebook

A black and white aerial view of a river and bridge surrounded by trees, with a grid of translucent green check marks overlaying the entire image.
The Hutt River (Photo: Getty Images; additional design The Spinoff)

Thanks to central government’s new freshwater proposals, Greater Wellington Regional Council is voting on whether to proceed with a decade-in-the-making plan designed to improve the health of the region’s streams, rivers and harbours.

Today, the Greater Wellington Regional Council will vote on whether to proceed, pause or withdraw a new freshwater quality rulebook for the Wellington region. A rulebook that has been at least 10 years in the making, is informed by significant engagement with mana whenua and the community, and has cost residents literally millions of dollars to develop.

Why, you may ask, is the council taking this vote at all? Well that would be thanks to recent proposals announced by the government to “rebalance” our environmental regulation away from nice-to-haves like protecting our environment and back to the basics of protecting economic interests. Not to mention the odd threat from ministers that if councils don’t, they’ll make ‘em. Some have even suggested we should just get rid of regional councils altogether. 

But before we come to the vote, it’s worth recapping the process that led to Wellington’s proposed new freshwater rulebook, starting back in the distant mists of time when a chap called John Key was our prime minister. 

Faced with increased scrutiny on the health of our rivers and lakes – remember phrases like “dirty dairying” and “swimmable rivers” regularly appearing in our media? – in 2011 the Key-led government created the National Policy Statement for Freshwater Management (NPS-FM). In essence, the NPS-FM provided a set of minimum freshwater standards that our regional councils, which are our chief environmental regulators, must implement within their local context. 

To implement the NPS-FM in its region, Greater Wellington chose to establish the whaitua programme in 2013. The programme saw the region divided into sub-regions – known as whaitua – and in each it established a whaitua committee, made up of representatives of mana whenua, affected councils and the community. The committees were tasked with considering the freshwater issues in their whaitua, current and predicted trends, impediments to progress, and to chart a way towards a more sustainable future. 

These processes were not once-over-lightlies. Each took several years and significant mana whenua, community and council resources. Committee members were made well aware of the challenges of our water system, and the mind-boggling costs to maintain and upgrade water infrastructure and improve the health of our streams and rivers. 

Porirua Harbour

The committees produced their blueprints with these challenges and costs at the forefront of their thinking, and, befitting the scale of the challenges, made recommendations that in some instances stretched out decades. The poor state of our urban streams meant that in many instances their short- to medium-term recommendations amounted simply to arresting declining trends or improving quality to the minimum required by the NPS-FM. 

Plan Change 1, which amends the region’s environmental rulebook known as the Natural Resources Plan, gives effect to recommendations of two mostly urban whaitua committees – those that cover the land that drains into the Porirua and Wellington harbours. In planning terms, Plan Change 1 has been publicly notified, consulted on, and is now deep into an expert hearings process. It is the fate of Plan Change 1 that councillors will decide today. 

Nothing the government has proposed or threatened requires the council to withdraw Plan Change 1, but should central government reform happen, the council may have to revisit some aspects of its rules. Par for the course in environmental planning and regulation. At this stage that is hypothetical anyway, and with an election now a little over a year away, the government may find it runs out of time to make any changes before we head back to the polls. RMA reform is, after all, a historically difficult beast to manage. 

Depending on how councillors vote today, Wellington could needlessly go back to a set of rules that have not halted declines in water quality across the region and will not miraculously be able to do so now. Not only that but it will be a huge kick in the guts to everyone – mana whenua, communities, councillors and staff – who have given so much of their time to help restore the health of Wellington’s rivers, streams and harbours. 

I hope they vote wisely. 

Update, 2pm, June 26: After a debate during which Chairperson Daran Ponter warned fellow councillors the council would be “done over in the back alley” if it continued implementing Plan Change 1, councillors narrowly voted 7-6 to pause the process. Whether that amounts to a stay of execution or simply a slower death remains to be seen. 

How councillors voted on the question of pausing Plan Change 1:
For: Bassett, Ponter, Lee, Staples, Kirk-Burnnand, Woolf, Gaylor
Against (and in support of continuing): Saw, Nash, Duthie, Ropata, Connelly, Laban

Jonny Osborne was a community representative on Te Whaitua o Te Whanganui-a-Tara committee. He is standing for election for Wellington City Council in the Te Motukairangi/Eastern Suburbs ward.

Keep going!
Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.
Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.

PoliticsJune 25, 2025

Echo Chamber: Government commits to doing not much about the Middle East

Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.
Foreign Affairs minister Winston Peters is no fan of knee-jerk reactions.

He may not be deputy PM any more, but Winston Peters still holds court during question time.

Echo Chamber is The Spinoff’s dispatch from the press gallery, recapping sessions in the House. Columns are written by politics reporter Lyric Waiwiri-Smith and Wellington editor Joel MacManus.

There are two kinds of people in the world: those who wish to fight in the war room, and the gentlemen who know they can’t. Conflict in the Middle East has reached a ceasefire, kind of, but the opposition (and, really, the whole country) this week has been eager to hear whether New Zealand will openly support or condemn the US and Israel for their recent airstrikes in Iran. The trouble is, it’s not quite clear yet if the missile-shaped cloud over parliament will pass, or whether the cowboy who knows this isn’t his first rodeo will ride the bomb to its end. Gee, if only we had one of them doomsday machines.

So, given tensions at home and overseas, Tuesday’s question time was delayed by foreign affairs minister Winston Peters making a statement on the “situation in the Middle East”. He had much to say about preferring diplomacy to “moral outrage” or “kneejerk reaction[s]” or “simplistic moral posturing” or just plain “virtue-signal[ling]”. New Zealand’s interests are in peace and a non-nuclear Iran, Peters told the House – it was a long-winded way of saying we’re not really taking a side at all.

Winston Peters gives his speech on the Middle East in the House.
No knee-jerk reactions or virtue-signalling over here, just good old-fashioned level-headedness.

Labour leader Chris Hipkins followed with a more critical take on the situation, that we should prioritise principles over economic interests and allies, though it wasn’t as overtly condemning as the speech from the Greens co-leader Marama Davidson, who implored the House to think of the freedom activists in Iran. But for some reason Peters, in his response, was more concerned over the Greens not being critical enough of “Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis” in light of October 7.  

“Really? Really, Mr Speaker?” Green co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick interrupted. “Look at my track record!”

“I know your track record, it takes five seconds to examine it,” Peters told her.

When that was all over, Te Pāti Māori’s Tākuta Ferris was first up for oral questions, asking Māori development minister Tama Potaka whether he stood by the government’s track record in upholding te Tiriti (“I look forward to a summary of the robust and strident submissions”), then why the Regulatory Standards Bill didn’’t mention the Treaty (“kōrero in Cabinet remain confidential”), and whether it would undermine the Crown’s Treaty obligations (“this government, through various coalition arrangements, is very committed to upholding Treaty settlements”).

Tākuta Ferris questions Tama Potaka in the House.
Tākuta Ferris keeps the seat warm for his party leaders, who are still suspended.

Eventually the bill’s architect David Seymour – who is currently acting prime minister while Christopher Luxon has meetings in Europe – rose to share his view. “​​Does the minister agree,” Seymour asked, “that if successive governments over the last 185 years had followed the principles in the Regulatory Standards Bill, many of the grievances Māori hold today would never have arisen?”

Potaka didn’t take the bait. “I certainly can acknowledge that there are a lot of disproportionate impacts as a result of government actions over the years,” the minister replied.

Next up was Greens co-leader Marama Davidson, who was keen to know whether the government would condemn the US’s strikes on Iran (as aforementioned, no). As Peters took his time to wax lyrical on rushing to judgment and emerging evidence and letting international courts determine breaches of international law, his NZ First deputy Shane Jones chirped away in his seat. “Fiction!” Jones cried. “Democracy!” A faint voice rose from the opposition benches: “You wouldn’t know what democracy is, Shane.”

Then it was Seymour’s turn to field questions on the cost of living from Hipkins, and the honorary prime minister found there was a perk to this new role: you can kind of just drone on and on and hope no one realises you’re just making a speech. Such was the case when Seymour told the House his school lunch programme now had a 67% approval rating – which he revealed as if it were the greatest honour on Earth – before Brownlee had to tell him to reel it in.

David Seymour speaks in the House.
A 67% approval rating is better than nothing.

Seymour, who also celebrated his 42nd birthday on Tuesday with two cakes (which may or may not be wasteful spending), was more blunt when Hipkins questioned him on whether the finance minister or IRD could find a single family that had claimed the maximum $250 a fortnight the government had promised in its FamilyBoost scheme. “The fact is, it’s not our job to go hunting for people,” Seymour replied, to roaring laughter from the opposition benches.

The whole palaver ended on a bum note. After Labour’s jobs and incomes spokesperson Ginny Andersen interrogated associate social development minister Penny Simmonds on employment figures and the cancellation of state housing projects, the back and forth summoned one of the government’s most loyal centre backs, Nicola Willis, who called on the speaker to make an example of the opposition for alleging “facts that are not factual”.

Then, when education minister Erica Stanford rose for a cosy supplementary that would’ve let Simmonds show off that the government had increased the number of classrooms built since last year, Brownlee decided he’d heard enough. “I’m absolutely sick of that. We’re calling it quits,” Brownlee declared. “We’re all over.”